The four member countries of the Kunming Initiative that was
rechristened as the BCIM Forum (Bangladesh, India, China, and Myanmar) for
regional cooperation is a Track II initiative that was given Track I
coordination in 2011.
During the recent visit of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang to
India, the initiative received a boost when a BCIM economic corridor was for the
first time discussed at the level of heads of government.
- The Kunming Initiative was formed keeping in mind the fact that a regional outlook on the concerns of development, security and prosperity was undoubtedly more beneficial than striking out one's own.
- It had promising prospects given that the region represents 9% of the world's landmass and at present, a considerable amount of global GDP and a great majority of the world's population.
An important aspect of the BCIM was the Kolkata-Dhaka-Mandalay-Kunming car rally earlier this year. This linking all four countries by road has further strengthen the notion that this corridor would subsequently open up the whole of the northeastern region of India to Southeast Asia and China and turn it into a significant channel of trade.
The corridor would also dovetail the China-ASEAN Free trade Area, the
India- ASEAN Free trade Area and the ASEAN Free trade Area turning it into the
largest global free trade area. It is pertinent to note here that the
northeastern states have, for a long time, been in unanimous support of making
the objectives of the initiative functional.
Since its inception in 1999 with the primarily aim to boost the economic prowess of the region and increase connectivity, the BCIM has been unable to be productive in any substantial manner. Despite the apparent willingness of the four countries, they have been limited by several factors in their endeavour to make the initiative prosper. One of the prime reasons for this is the fact that there is considerable political reluctance that hinders its success. The recent talks between Premier Li Keqiang and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh merely promised an 'exploration' into the areas of cooperation thus avoiding substantial assurance for the Kunming Initiative. The state of affairs between India and China is the most vital aspect impacting the proper functioning of the BCIM.
Since its inception in 1999 with the primarily aim to boost the economic prowess of the region and increase connectivity, the BCIM has been unable to be productive in any substantial manner. Despite the apparent willingness of the four countries, they have been limited by several factors in their endeavour to make the initiative prosper. One of the prime reasons for this is the fact that there is considerable political reluctance that hinders its success. The recent talks between Premier Li Keqiang and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh merely promised an 'exploration' into the areas of cooperation thus avoiding substantial assurance for the Kunming Initiative. The state of affairs between India and China is the most vital aspect impacting the proper functioning of the BCIM.
From India's perspective, two reasons are pointed out in regard to
the 'China factor'.
One, the concerns that opening up of the northeast would
flood the Indian markets with Chinese goods and two, that the same prospect
would make the northeastern border security vulnerable. Many believe that it is
part of Chinese policy to keep the border issues unresolved, wean away Nepal,
Bangladesh and Myanmar and arm Pakistan, thereby limiting India's influence in
the subcontinent.
On the other hand, there is the much talked about the 'Asian
Century' and the view that "India and China need not fear each other, as
it is not 'India or China' but 'India and China' which would redefine the
global economy." In either instance, clearing the geopolitical air may
prove more beneficial on both domestic as well as international levels, than
keeping them in the shadows.
While India already has established connectivity with Myanmar (Moreh-Tamu-Kalewa road as well as trade points at Moreh-Tamu and Zowkhathar-Rhi besides the implementation of the Kaladan project) the same however, is yet to be arrived at with Bangladesh.
While India already has established connectivity with Myanmar (Moreh-Tamu-Kalewa road as well as trade points at Moreh-Tamu and Zowkhathar-Rhi besides the implementation of the Kaladan project) the same however, is yet to be arrived at with Bangladesh.
With the political and constitutional changes that have taken place, Myanmar is
keen to balance its position with other countries and reduce its reliance on
Beijing. There are in fact several areas of convergence between India and
Myanmar with regard to energy investments, geo-strategic and maritime security.
Indian policy with respect to Bangladesh is vital as India shares the longest
border with the latter and also because it is often acknowledged that 'India's
northeast is Bangladesh-locked. The problems of resolving the Land Boundary Agreement
and the Teesta water sharing accord, also require early answers. Bangladesh
Foreign Minister Dipu Moni, during her recent visit, called for a
Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna (GBM) Basin Regime, and gave strong arguments which
would serve to complement the already existing BCIM agendas.
The Road Ahead
Besides harnessing the geostrategic potentials of Myanmar and Bangladesh, India also needs to develop a clear course of action with regard to China, and figure out ways to push forward the BCIM rather than making it prisoner of larger strategic and political estimations. If the BCIM is to accomplish what it was set up for, then
The Road Ahead
Besides harnessing the geostrategic potentials of Myanmar and Bangladesh, India also needs to develop a clear course of action with regard to China, and figure out ways to push forward the BCIM rather than making it prisoner of larger strategic and political estimations. If the BCIM is to accomplish what it was set up for, then
(1) the import of an incremental approach towards the augmentation of
sub-regional connectivity needs to be appreciated,
(2) the Northeast must be
rethought and refocused,
(3) geostrategic considerations need redefining in
view of the larger gains to be accrued from sub-regional connectivity,
(4)
avoid the constant risk of becoming the jailbirds of larger strategic and
political estimations.
Given the political baggage that is being shared by the
four countries, it is understandable that the process of sharing their
strengths and their resources will take time. But what is important is not to
let time pass us by.
(The writer is a Research Assistant at the ORF Kolkata)
(The writer is a Research Assistant at the ORF Kolkata)